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October 6, 2006 / 55(39);1071-1074


CDC's 60th Anniversary: Director's Perspective ---
William H. Foege,
M.D., M.P.H., 1977--1983
Expansion of Public Health

Modern public health began 210 years ago, in 1796, when Edward Jenner,
using material from a cowpox lesion on the hand of Sarah Nelmes,
vaccinated James Phipps. A later attempt to give Phipps smallpox
demonstrated his immunity, and the vaccination era had begun. Although
Jenner lacked our understanding of viruses, the immune system, or
vaccinology, his clinical observations had convinced him that
milkmaids were protected from smallpox because of their previous
exposure to cowpox, and he acted to see if nature could be replicated.

David Sencer reported on the conclusion to the smallpox saga in his
Director's Perspective (1), describing how Jenner's actions were taken
to their logical extension during the smallpox eradication program in
the 1960s and 1970s. CDC contributed more than 300 workers to this
global effort, many of them assigned to the World Health Organization
for deployment throughout the world. The importance of this event in
the collective energy that defined CDC in 1977 cannot be overstated.
Workers at CDC believed they could make a difference. They thought
globally, understood teamwork, and were proud to be part of the
organization.

For much of the past 210 years, public health has been synonymous with
combating infectious diseases. As Sencer points out, although public
health had made excursions into occupational health and environmental
health, nutrition, birth defects, smoking, and even family planning,
the focus was predominantly on the prevention and control of
infectious diseases. However, interest in the health of the public
increasingly required concern over the toll of chronic diseases,
exposure to chemical toxins, the role of intentional and unintentional
injury, and the interaction of many risk factors beyond microbes.
Public health was changing, and so were the demands on CDC.

Changing CDC Priorities and Structure

In 1977, an invitation went out to health workers in cities, counties,
states, academic institutions, industry, government, and global
organizations to provide suggestions regarding what CDC needed to do
in its pursuit of three objectives: 1) reducing unnecessary suffering,
2) reducing premature mortality, and 3) improving life quality.
Hundreds of responses and thousands of suggestions were received and
assembled into categories by a team led by Seth Leibler.

Next, an outside committee, with J.D. Millar acting as liaison to CDC,
was asked to consider these suggestions, along with patterns of
morbidity and mortality in the United States and to provide guidance
on the highest future priorities for CDC. The committee determined
that mortality figures often were misleading in defining the
importance of a health problem. At CDC this led to the use of "Years
of Potential Life Lost," a concept used subsequently in many
publications. Age 65 was accepted as the age for comparison, not
because it defined the median or the desired, but because age 65 was
commonly used in the reporting of global statistics. The committee
recommended a dozen priorities for CDC.

During two retreats, managers at CDC considered the priorities to see
whether they could support them. They accepted all 12 recommendations
and, in the course of discussion, added an additional three for a
total of 15 priorities for CDC to pursue.

Having agreed on objectives, priorities, and the need to expand CDC's
activities, the difficult task of reorganizing the agency remained. In
preceding years, every outbreak investigation had required matrix
management, with experts drawn from epidemiology, statistics,
laboratory sciences, and other disciplines to find the solution. With
expanding priorities and the need for many additional forms of
expertise, the solution of public health problems required a new
structure. A new structure, with all of its unknowns, was not easy to
implement and required special attention to communications and
suggestions from those affected by the changes. The crucial ingredient
was a director in each center who defined a path that workers were
eager to follow. CDC was reorganized into different centers (e.g.,
Infectious Diseases, Occupational Health, Professional Development and
Training, and Environmental Health), each staffed with persons with
the various skills needed to solve particular problems. Matrix
management was still required (e.g., to determine whether an outbreak
was infectious or toxic), but the majority of health problems now
related to a given center, and the agency name was changed to Centers
for Disease Control.

Solving New Problems

Solving health problems was and still is a daily task at CDC.
Sometimes these problems emerge as new outbreaks or observations. In
the late 1970s and early 1980s, dozens of outbreak solutions were
chronicled in MMWR. Investigators determined that newly identified
Legionnaires organisms actually were common and had been involved in
previously unsolved outbreaks (2). New problems included toxic shock
syndrome, which made headlines in 1980 when hundreds of previously
healthy women of child-bearing age exhibited fever associated with
shock, multi-organ failures, and high death rates (3--5). Rapid
identification of tampons as a risk factor, and identification of a
specific product as posing especially high risk, helped to reduce but
not eliminate this problem.

During the late 1970s, the world appeared faced with a new, emerging
infectious disease (e.g., Lassa fever, toxic shock syndrome, and
Legionnaires disease) every year. CDC workers, during the course of
some of the most difficult outbreak investigations in history, defined
the dynamics of virus transmission and isolated the Ebola virus in
Zaire and Sudan (6,7). However, increasingly, outbreak investigations
involved noninfectious health problems such as those involving baby
foods and diet preparations. The deaths of women attempting to lose
weight while consuming liquid-protein diet products led to an
understanding of the risk for physiological consequences on cardiac
function posed by such products and resulted in their subsequent
regulation.

Although outbreak investigations command much of the media attention,
the more routine daily work of thousands of health workers throughout
the United States is what ultimately moves morbidity and mortality
numbers to lower levels. Monitoring hospital infection rates and their
causes, daily maintenance of water supplies, monitoring food handling
practices, and improving air quality are only a few of the tasks that,
when performed correctly, never become known to the public. Lead
poisoning in children provides an example of successful intervention
for a problem not involving infectious disease. Leaded gasoline and
paint exposed thousands of children to harmful levels of lead. The
development of an inexpensive and rapid test in the 1970s made
possible the screening of children, resulting in better surveillance,
treatment, and prevention measures. The number of children with high
lead levels was reduced, and the health and collective intelligence of
subsequent cohorts of children was improved (8).

Redefining the Unacceptable

In the infectious disease field, immunizations have been both highly
effective and cost effective and have resulted in the prevention of
diseases that were leading causes of death a century ago. In 1977,
with the support of the White House and the Department of Health,
Education, and Welfare, new measures were taken to improve
immunization rates. Many have noted that public health is constantly
redefining the unacceptable. A quarter century ago, the objective of
90% school-age immunization coverage with common childhood vaccines
was regarded by many as too ambitious. That objective proved
achievable but still insufficient, as researchers determined that such
levels of immunization coverage must be reached by age 2 to achieve
optimal disease control.

In 1978, improvements in immunization rates led to the possibility of
interrupting measles transmission in the United States. Some thought
this unachievable and believed pursuing such an objective would only
harm the reputation of CDC. Others felt the true barriers would not be
determined unless this ultimate objective was selected; consequently,
CDC set a goal of interrupting indigenous measles transmission. Month
by month, every measles solution revealed a new problem, including
transmission among military recruits (solved by vaccinating all
recruits regardless of history), in day care centers, preschools,
colleges, and even in unexpected settings such as stadiums or theme
parks. Ultimately, when every other problem appeared solved, a final
barrier was uncovered, namely the importation of measles into the
United States on an average of twice a week. Today, implementation of
measles immunization programs around the world continues to decrease
the rate of importation into the United States. Meanwhile, in 2003,
measles was declared no longer endemic in the Americas (9), and in the
United States, rubella was declared no longer endemic in 2005 (10).

In 1981, the most devastating of the emerging infections, which would
become known as human immunodeficiency virus (HIV) infection, was
described in MMWR. During the following months, CDC investigators of
sexually transmitted diseases under the leadership of Paul Weisner,
and later agency-wide investigators headed by Jim Curran, devoted more
resources to understanding HIV and acquired immunodeficiency syndrome
(AIDS) than any other investigation in CDC history. Two years later,
even before a virus had been isolated, the CDC team was able to
outline in MMWR, on the basis of epidemiologic evidence, what was
known about transmission and what could be done to reduce transmission
rates. Their recommendations were remarkably accurate and reinforced
by later findings. The frustration of the early years was gaining
insight into transmission dynamics but having inadequate screening
techniques for risk reduction. For example, with the second clinical
report of HIV involving a person with hemophilia, the team knew the
virus would pose risks for recipients of blood transfusions in
general, yet no specific screening technique existed to identify
contaminated units of blood. The only recourse was exclusion of groups
as blood donors, based on risk factors. In later years, after a
screening test for HIV infection was developed and implemented,
frustration changed to disappointment as scientists found themselves
able to understand HIV/AIDS transmission patterns but still faced with
the difficulties of altering human behavior.

As CDC expanded beyond infectious diseases, new surveillance systems
were developed for chronic diseases and risk factors that are followed
inevitably by health impairments. CDC continued to document the impact
of smoking on health but also worked on how best to educate the public
and how to evaluate the value of school health curricula. In addition
to smoking, work on heart disease, cancer, and obesity required
expertise in nutrition, exercise, and human behavior, leading to a
need for more public health workers trained in the social sciences.
The methods used for infectious disease surveillance not only had
relevance for determining risk factors for chronic diseases but also
for violence and injuries. Three of the top five causes of years lost
prematurely involved homicide, suicide, and unintentional injuries.
Creative work was done to define measures for preventing violence and
injuries. The groundwork was set for the future establishment of the
National Center for Injury Prevention (11).

Science Versus Politics

Every public health decision involves political decisions. A price
came with CDC's expansion beyond infectious diseases, which generally
do not have a group of persons who benefit from the disease and are
lobbying to reduce control efforts. With infectious diseases, public
health decisions usually can be based on the best science available;
this is not always true in the larger public health arena. Tobacco
companies make their profit by selling cigarettes and will actively
fight efforts to reduce tobacco consumption. The new reality at CDC
involved groups disputing its findings, such as gun lobbyists, and
political pressures from both congressional and administrative
personnel regarding occupational health decisions, lead abatement
recommendations, and tobacco statements. One Senate Committee demanded
the names of persons investigated in the liquid-protein diet deaths so
that it could perform its own investigation. The names were not
provided. A congressman demanded the names of persons in CDC files who
tested positive for HIV. Again, the demand was refused. But the time
and effort required to counter such political intrusions increased and
became a fact of life that continues to decrease the efficiency of
public health workers. CDC needs to continue to base its decisions on
the best available science, but factors beyond science continue to
contribute to public policy decisions.

A final example involves Reye syndrome, a problem that had concerned
CDC for some years. By 1979, CDC had the results of three case-control
studies from Arizona, Michigan, and Ohio, indicating that salicylates
(i.e., aspirin) were a risk factor under certain conditions. Michigan
performed another study during the 1980--81 influenza season that also
determined salicylates were a risk factor for Reye syndrome.

None of the studies had reached statistical significance, in an era
when meta-analysis for combining studies for statistical analysis was
in its infancy. The National Institutes of Health, Food and Drug
Administration (FDA), and CDC all had made statements regarding the
possible association of medications with Reye syndrome; however, those
statements had fallen short of advising against use of salicylates in
children with influenza or chickenpox. Outside consultants all agreed
that the various shortcomings of the studies were insufficient to
neutralize the consistency of the findings. The aspirin manufacturers
were unrelenting in their arguments that CDC's scientific reputation
would be ruined if the studies were reported without having achieved
statistical significance. But CDC and FDA decided to report on the
studies in a joint statement, making their shortcomings very clear, in
the belief that pediatricians and parents should have all the
information that the Public Health Service had. The night before
publication, FDA called to say it had received new information from
the aspirin manufacturers and that CDC should delay publication.

However, the next day, CDC decided to proceed with its publication
plan. The report in MMWR detailed the shortcomings of the studies and
concluded with the following statement: "Until definitive information
is available, CDC advises physicians and parents of the possible
increased risk of Reye syndrome associated with the use of salicylates
for children with chickenpox or influenza-like illnesses (12)."

The very surprised aspirin manufacturers descended on the assistant
secretary of health, who supported the statement. They went to the
secretary of Health and Human Services, who supported the statement.
They then went to the White House, which told CDC to start a new
study. But the word was already out. Salicylates were withheld in
children with chickenpox and influenza, reports of Reye syndrome
declined, lives were saved, and science had trumped politics. The
challenge for the future is to continue making the best science
available for the benefit of everyone.

References

1. CDC. CDC's 60th anniversary: director's perspective---David J.
Sencer, M.D., M.P.H., 1966--1977. MMWR 2006;55:745--9.

2. Fields BS, Benson RF, Besser RE. Legionella and Legionnaires'
disease: 25 years of investigation. Clin Microbiol Rev
2002;15:506--26.

3. Reingold AL, Hargrett NT, Shands KN, et al. Toxic shock syndrome
surveillance in the United States, 1980 to 1981. Ann Intern Med
1982;96(6 Pt 2):875--80.

4. Hajjeh RA, Reingold A, Weil A, Shutt K, Schuchat A, Perkins BA.
Toxic shock syndrome in the United States: surveillance update,
1979--1996. Emerg Infect Dis 1999;5:807--10.

5. CDC. Toxic shock syndrome---United States. MMWR 1997;46:492--6.

6. World Health Organization. Ebola haemorrhagic fever in Zaire, 1976.
Bull World Health Organ 1978;56:271--93.

7. World Health Organization. Ebola haemorrhagic fever in Sudan, 1976.
Report of a WHO/International Study Team. Bull World Health Organ
1978;56:247--70.

8. CDC. Preventing lead poisoning in young children: a statement by
the Centers for Disease Control: January 1985. Atlanta, GA: US
Department of Health and Human Services, CDC; 1985.

9. Katz SL, Hinman AR. Summary and conclusions: measles elimination
meeting, 16--17 March 2000. J Infect Dis 2004;189(Suppl 1):S43--7.

10. CDC. Achievements in public health: elimination of rubella and
congenital rubella syndrome---United States, 1969--2004. MMWR
2005;54;279--82.

11. Committee on Trauma Research, Commission on Life Sciences,
National Research Council, Institute of Medicine. Injury in America: a
continuing public health problem. Washington, DC: National Academy
Press; 1985.

12. CDC. National surveillance for Reye syndrome, 1981: update, Reye
syndrome and salicylate usage. MMWR 1982;31:53--6,61.

In commemoration of CDC's 60th Anniversary, MMWR is departing from its
usual report format. This is the second in a series of occasional
commentaries by directors of CDC. The directors were invited to give
their personal perspectives on the key public health achievements and
challenges that occurred during their tenures.

William H. Foege, M.D., M.P.H., joined CDC in 1962 as an officer in
the Epidemic Intelligence Service and was director of CDC during
1977--1983. His other positions have included executive director of
the Carter Center during 1986--1992. He is currently a senior fellow
at the Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation in Seattle, Washington. He
lives in Vashon, Washington.
 

http://www.cdc.gov/mmwr/preview/mmwrhtml/mm5539a4.htm?s_cid=mm5539a4_e%0A